Зайди на форум преподавателя - курылев константин петрович.

Кандидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры теории и истории международных отношений РУДН, заместитель заведующего по научной деятельности. Член The University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES) (Великобритания) (с 2011 г.); член EU-Russia Collaborative Research Network (Великобритания) (с 2011 г.). Член Ученого Совета Факультета гуманитарных и социальных наук РУДН (с 2012 г.). На дневном отделении читает лекции и ведет семинарские занятия по следующим дисциплинам: "Россия в глобальной политике"; "История внешней политики России 1613-1917 гг."; "Внешняя политика СССР 1917-1991 гг."; "Экономические и политические процессы в СНГ"; "Внешняя политика стран СНГ"; "Внешняя политика Украины"; "Политические проблемы современной международной системы"; "Международный терроризм как проблема современных международных отношений". На вечернем отделении читает лекции по следующим дисциплинам: "Россия в глобальной политике"; "История внешней политики России 1613-1917 гг."; "Внешняя политика СССР 1917-1991 гг."; "Экономические и политические процесс в СНГ"; "Внешняя политика стран СНГ"; "Основы международной безопасности"; "Международный терроризм как проблема современных международных отношений"; "Глобальная безопасность". За годы работы на кафедре Курылевым К.П. было подготовлено 125 выпускников бакалавров, специалистов и магистров. А также 3 аспиранта - кандидата исторических наук. Активно занимается учебно-методической деятельностью. Имеет опубликованные программы и учебно-методические пособия по читаемым курсам (всего 10). В учебном процессе применяет современные инновационные методы обучения, использует информационные технологии, в том числе им разработанные мультимедийные курсы по «Современной внешней политике России» и «Истории внешней политики России». Регулярно принимает участие как представитель кафедры ТИМО РУДН в ежегодных Сессиях Совета УМО вузов РФ по образованию в области международных отношений при МГИМО (У) МИД РФ. Прошел краткосрочные курсы повышения квалификации на факультете повышения квалификации преподавателей русского языка РУДН по программе «Методика преподавания общеобразовательных и специальных дисциплин на русском языке иностранным учащимся» (2004 г.); прошел курсы повышения квалификации в Государственной академии инноваций по программе «Информационные технологии в образовании» (2006 г.); прошел курсы повышения квалификации в РУДН по программе «Иностранный язык (английский)» (2008 г.); прошел курсы повышения квалификации в РУДН по программе «Информационные технологии в учебном процессе. Компьютерное тестирование» (2009 г.); прошел курсы повышения квалификации в РУДН по программе «Методика преподавания общеобразовательных и специальных дисциплин на русском языке иностранным учащимся» (2010 г.). Активно и плодотворно занимается научной деятельностью. Сферой научных интересов является изучение современных международных отношений, современной внешней политики России, внешней политики Украины, терроризма. За время работы им было опубликовано более 60 научных работ, среди которых две монографии ("Политический портрет А.И. Коновалова". Видное: Полиграфическое предприятие «Вымпел», 2004 г.; "Концептуальные основы внешней политики русских либералов начала ХХ в." Видное. Типография «Финист-А», 2012.). Принимал участие и выступал с научными докладами более чем на 60 научных конференциях и круглых столах, проходивших в РУДН и в других профильных ВУЗах Москвы, России и мира.

Education and degrees 1992 – 1997 Departme... Education and degrees
1992 – 1997
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History

1997 – 1999
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History

1997 – 1999
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Foreign Languages

1999 – 2002
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History

2016

2011 – present
2017 – present

2018 – present

Academic appointments
1999 – 2000

1999 – 2001

2001 – 2003

2003 – 2018

2018 – present
Professor at the Department of Theory and History of International Relations,

Administrative appointments
2001 – 2004

2004 – present
Deputy Head of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations on the scientific work, RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
2014 – present

2018 – present
Editor in-chief of “Postsoviet Studies”

(Education and degrees
1992 – 1997
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History
Degree: Bachelor of Russian History, Diploma with Honours
1997 – 1999
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History
Degree: Master of Russian History, Diploma with Honours
1997 – 1999
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Foreign Languages
Diplomas: Interpreter from English Language; Interpreter from French Language
1999 – 2002
RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
Faculty: Humanitarian and Social Sciences
Department: Russian History
Degree: Candidate of Historical Sciences (PhD in History)
2016
Degree: Doctor of Historical Sciences
International academic cooperation
2011 – present
Member of the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES), London, United Kingdom
2017 – present
Member of the International Studies Association (ISA), San Francisco, USA
2018 – present
Member of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES), USA.

Academic appointments
1999 – 2000
Acting Head of the Department of Foreign Languages, Moscow regional institute of higher socio-economic education, Vidnoye, Russia
1999 – 2001
Lecturer at the Department of Foreign Languages, Moscow regional institute of higher socio-economic education, Vidnoye, Russia
2001 – 2003
Assistant at the Department of Theory and History of International Relations, RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
2003 – 2018
Associate
2018 – present
Professor at the Department of Theory and History of International Relations, Deputy Head of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations on the scientific work, RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia

Administrative appointments
2001 – 2004
Deputy Head of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations on the informatization work, RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
2004 – present
Deputy Head of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations on the scientific work, RUDN-University, Moscow, Russia
2014 – present
Deputy Editor “”
2018 – present
Editor in-chief of “Postsoviet Studies”)

The article deals with the topic of how Russian liberal parties of the early twentieth century - the Party of the Constitutional Democrats (the Kadets), the Octobrist Party (the Octobrists) and the Progressive Party (the Progressives) - interpreted the range of issues associated with the foreign policy of the Russian Empire, such as imperialism, militarism, colonial policy, nationalism and pacifism. The authors hypothesize that the above-mentioned Russian liberal parties, despite all the differences in their political, economic and social views, adhered to the same foreign-policy approach which could be referred to as liberal imperialism. In particular, all three parties called on the Russian government to prepare for the intensive economic competition for new markets and trade flows, as well as for a potentially possible imperialist war between great European powers. According to the Kadets’, Octobrists’ and Progressives’ concepts, Russia’s foreign policy should be highly proactive and imperialistic, and should be based on a strong military presence both in Europe and in Asia.

Doi: 10.1080/09546545.2018.1479360

Issue: 1

Volume: 31

Page Numbers: 46-66

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: Revolutionary Russia

Research Interests:

The article examines the role and the place of EAEU in the Russian foreign policy strategy. The Authors study features of development of integration in the space of the CIS, argue its special importance for Russia. In this study the economic and political interests of the Russian state in EAEU have been revealed. It is noted that Russia is seeking, through the deepening of integration processes, to ensure the opportunity for her and the partners to be competitive in today"s turbulent world. The analysis of the importance of Ukrainian factor for the development of integration processes in the CIS was carried out. It is shown that for successful functioning of EAEU participation of Ukraine in this integration formation is a necessary condition, considering the potentials, which Ukraine possesses.

Issue: 1

Volume: 16

Page Numbers: 75-86

Publication Date: 2016

Publication Name: Vestnik RUDN. International Relations

Research Interests:

The article examines the inﬂuence of Japan on the New Silk Road in Kazakhstan, prospects and problems encountered in the development of the economy of this region. The aim is to fnd out the direction of the development of the Silk Road in Central Asia, the possible consequences of the inﬂuence of the Trade Route in this region. The article uses the world experience, events, analysis of political scientists in Japan, US and other developed countries of the world. The practical signifcance of the article will be of interest to political scientists, journalists, investors, analysts. Conclusions are drawn about the future development of the path of the Kazakh-Japanese economic relations. The participation of Japan in the development of the New Silk Road as one of the main strategic partners of Kazakhstan and Central Asia is analyzed. The result of this work was an analysis of maintaining stability in the region as one of the main ways of developing Japan in maintaining economic and political relations with Kazakhstan. Development of the Republic of Kazakhstan as one of the main economic partners of the New Silk Road. The practical signifcance of the results of the work is that it reveals numerous problems in the development of international relations between Kazakhstan and Japan, to further improve diplomatic cooperation.

Issue: 1

Page Numbers: 132-141

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name: Issues of National and Federative Relations

Research Interests:

The authors of this article made the analysis of how Ukraine and other members of GUAM had voted within the UN General Assembly in order to determine the degree of convergence of their views and to explain the obtained indicators. The research helped to see in dynamics how the relationships between Ukraine and other members of GUAM had changed. This has a great importance in the assessment of GUAM’s prospects.

Issue: 3

Page Numbers: 25-35

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: Diplomatic Service

Research Interests:

The article deals with the interpretation of the representatives of the liberal opposition in Russia in the early twentieth century the complex problems of the contemporary foreign policy of the Russian Empire. Referring to the conceptual views of foreign policy of the cadets (Constitutional democratic party), Octo (party "Union of October 17") and progressives (progressive party), the author considers them in relation to Russian-Chinese relations. The analysis of the approaches to the problems and prospects of development of relations between the Russian Empire with China. The author puts forward the idea that the Russian liberals of the early twentieth century were the carriers of the ideas of liberal imperialism. This is corroborated by the fact that, despite a number of conceptual differences between the cadets, the Octobrists and the progressives on issues of internal development of Russia, their views on the foreign policy of the state was a different variation of the same sum of representations which we denoted as the concept of liberal imperialism. In accordance with her foreign policy of Russia had to wear an imperialist, militaristic character, based on the possibility of Russian intervention in opposition to the other capitalist powers of the world for its redistribution, territorial expansion and new markets.

Issue: 1

Page Numbers: 4-12

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name: Arkhont

Research Interests:

This article reports on research based on three crucial aspects of the current global economic situation. First is the role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in establishing and constructing international cooperation at the supranational level.
Second is the policy of sanctions against Russia in connection with the situation in Ukraine. And third is the cooperation of Royal Dutch Shell with Russia’s Gazprom despite the political, economic and technological sanctions imposed on Russian
companies and economic sectors. Analyzing Shell’s policy on the Russian energy market should reveal some kind of the managing principle that not only Shell but most TNCs follow in taking the political atmosphere into consideration, while striving to avoid any related restrictions. The research methodology uses analytical, ultimate analysis and functional methods. The analytical method helped to lay the theoretical foundation of the research. Modern TNCs are deeply engaged in the process of economic globalization. To expand their influence, such companies create economic conditions for organizing international production with local markets and for international markets for capital, labour, and scientific and consulting services. The ultimate analysis method revealed the following pattern: in struggling for the global market, TNCs raise the level of competition, which creates a permanent need for technical innovations and scientific progress. The functional analysis method demonstrated a casual relationship in modern economic development: by assisting capital turnover and labour and transport mobility, TNCs contribute significantly to economic growth and development. The first part of the article focuses on the history and methodology of the genesis and development of TNCs as actors
in global economic relations. It also reviews the current role of TNCs in the global economy. The second part of the article examines the cooperation between Shell and Gazprom embodied in their joint realization of the Sakhalin-2 project and the
prospects for the Sakhalin-3 project. The final section of the article contains analytical conclusions and theoretical recommendations. The authors came to two main conclusions. First, only transparent cooperation based on fair principles can guarantee stable economic ties between countries or any kind of global companies. Second, the accumulated experience in any field of cooperation provides quick and efficient payback of even the largest project. And even if the restrictions may correct (or try to correct) only in the short term but lay a foundation for long-term regress in relations, even one successful project, based on mutual trust and respect, can lead to a breakthrough in both economic and political relations between the countries.

Doi: 10.17323/1996-7845-2017-01-189

Issue: 1

Volume: 12

Page Numbers: 189-208

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name:

Research Interests:

Two main issues are considered in this article. The first is the changing historical and legal status of private military companies (PMCs). Emerging after the end of World War II, the PMC phenomenon became well-established by the mid-1990s. In the first decade of the 21st century, PMCs not only engaged in military activity in different regions of the world but also participated as independent economic actors capable of occupying a certain niche in the military segment of the world economy. Following this review, the article examines the practical activities of PMCs drawing on the example of the conflict in Ukraine during the civil war that began there after the coup d’etat of February 2014 and which saw the removal of the legally elected president V. Yanukovych and the rise of nationalist radicals to power. It should be noted that the Ukrainian crisis is only one of many examples of the use of PMCs. Moreover, as demonstrated in this study, the most powerful PMCs in the world are represented in the territory of Ukraine, pointing to the extreme importance of the processes occurring in Ukraine from the view point of the interests of the dominant actors in the modern international system involved in Ukrainian affairs.

Doi: 10.17323/1996-7845-2017-04-130

Issue: 4

Volume: 12

Page Numbers: 130-149

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name: International Organisations Research Journal

Research Interests:

The purpose of this article is to analyze the network of the mechanism of reproduction
of international terrorism - the phenomenon of post-truth, strongly modifies the previous interpretation of the political, ethnic, religious, cultural and social, leading to the disappearance of the former meaning when it is important that people are truthful news report or not, and his active experience, discussion. Used as a methodology content analysis of online communities has confirmed the working hypothesis that, despiteabsenteeism and the atomization of society in modern countries, manifested by the rapid politicization of the communities the social networks of the Internet because of the undermining of public confidencein traditional political institutions - parties and Parliament. Terrorist recruiters use this trend to their advantage, warming the emotional state of the participants of social networks and sharpening their grievances and contradictions on various grounds. According to the authors, the terrorist propaganda about brotherhood and religious cosmopolitan society the modern state can be countered only by the ideology of patriotism. With the characteristic feature of patriotism should be its bearing on national sovereignty and a functioning state. However, the authors are analyzing methodological developments in the problem of Patriotic education in modern Russia, note that most of the proposed techniques do not consider the development of a network society and borrowed from the Soviet range: lectures, discussions, class hours, competitions of the show and
songs, military-Patriotic fees, etc. The work concludes that the state is not paying attention to the mechanisms of Assembly of new political identities through social networks and are not involved in elementary political education through Internet communication, will be eliminated from the virtual environment and will not be
able to build an effective protection of technologies of coups in the form of “color revolutions”

Doi: 10.22363/2313-0660-2017-17-4-738-748

Issue: 4

Page Numbers: 738-748

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: Vestnik RUDN. International Relations

Research Interests:

Twenty-five years have passed since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which led to the disruption of the regional check-and-balance system aimed at resolving national issues and political and socioeconomic contradictions. It also resulted in a number of armed conflicts, including those in the Chechen Republic, Nagorno-Karabakh,Transnistria, Tajikistan, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and later in the South-East of Ukraine. Immediately following the collapse of the USSR, key international actors paid special attention to the Commonwealth
of Independent States (CIS) region while trying to secure own interests. This led to the further stratification of the CIS region. A “geopolitical pluralism” started to form there, marked by the fragmentation of nation-state sovereignty over the territory. The concept and policy of “geopolitical pluralism” as developed by Zbigniew Brzezinski meets the interests of the United States by making the CIS region more manageable, while at the same time making it more difficult for Russia to implement its own strategic tasks there. The key goal of Russia is the creation of an integrated economic and political union able to take a rightful place in the world. Only the development of deep and comprehensive integration with the CIS states can ensure the competitiveness of Russia’s position in the world as well as the positions of its partners in the former Soviet space. The purpose of this article is to assess the level of geopolitical pluralism in the CIS space taking account of the membership of the CIS countries in international organizations and their voting on UN General Assembly resolutions. The study is based on the interconnection of quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis of international relations and world politics.mDuring the past quarter century following the collapse of the Soviet Union, a regional system of international relations has formed in its place. Despite the fact that the CIS is a kind of linking element which unites most of the former Soviet republics, a certain competition between the new states has become the characteristic feature of the political relations in the region. The policy of the west (primarily the United States) became a kind of a branched, diversified strategy aimed at the phased development, transformation and fragmentation of the region. The diversity of foreign policy priorities among the CIS states and the presence of many actors in the region makes mutual understanding and good-neighbourliness between these countries difficult to achieve. To the contrary, this diversity seriously complicates and slows down the development of deep and comprehensive integration, making it more unstable and ineffective.

Doi: 10.17323/1996-7845-2018-01-08

Issue: 1

Volume: 13

Page Numbers: 134-156

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: International Organisations Research Journal

Research Interests:

This article focuses on the recent history of NATO"s cyber defense and the increasing
role of cyberspace on NATO"s strategy, policy, and transformation of military forces, as well as the other elements of power. In general, the impact of cyberspace on the military defense systems is well documented in many sources, especially in the example of NATO. Due to this fact this problem was studied more profoundly. NATO was founded as an organization, the purpose of which was to ensure the collective defense, crisis management, and cooperative security in various spheres for its member nations. New global challenges gave a new birth to the core security functions of the organization. The study has resulted in showing the changes which cyberspace provoked.

Doi: 10.18384/2310-676X-2018-1-45-53

Issue: 1

Page Numbers: 45-54

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: Bulletin of the Moscow Region State University

Research Interests:

The issue of searching for an eﬀective regional balance of power in the South Caucasus through the prism of
Russia’s military and political interaction with Armenia and Azerbaian is examined. The experience of the USA
carrying out similar policy in relation to these states is demonstrated. Based on the quantitative analysis of military-political relations between Moscow, Yerevan and Baku, the scale and forms of the cooperation are estimated.
Positive and negative consequences of the ofcial Moscow’s “balancing” policy are reviewed. Difculties that the Russian side has to face when implementing such a regional scenario of behavior are shown. The article says that for Russia, which represents itself as a backbone structural element in the CIS, the key to realizing its national interests is creation of a “good-neighbor belt” and counteraction to formation of the anti-Russian buﬀer zone in the post-Soviet space. This determines the foreign policy course of Moscow in the CIS region, where the Russian leadership strives to maintain a balance in the development of military cooperation with such regional rivals in the South Caucasus subregion as Armenia and Azerbaian. The authors come to a conclusion that Russia is balancing between two countries – Armenia and Azerbaian – in order to maintain its inﬂuence in the region and the balance of power between the sides. It is noted that Moscow tries to demonstrate the adherence to the principle of a
dynamic balance of power maintenance in the South Caucasus. Unfortunately, Russia is not coherent in its political line in contrast to the USA. According to the authors, it is difcult for Russia to maintain the military and political parity between Armenia and Azerbaian only because of the fact that it is a major weapons supplier for these two
countries. So, any destabilization between Yerevan and Baku is not good for Moscow, and it can lead to serious problems regarding its reputation and regional interests. However, despite the fact that Russia has a regional and global status, an alternative political line will not be reconsidered in the near future. Moscow acts according to its
age-old experience in the regional policy.

Doi: 10.20542/0131-2227-2018-62-3-108-118

Issue: 62

Volume: 3

Page Numbers: 108-118

Publication Date: 2018

Publication Name: World Economy and International Relations

Research Interests:

В статье исследуется масонская деятельность предпринимателя и политика А.И. Коновалова (1875–1948). Особое внимание уделяется верификации факта его участия
в масонстве, причинам вступления в ложу и характеру участия в ней. Сделан вывод,
что, вступая в масонскую ложу Коновалов стремился создать единый антиправительственный блок. Масонство в России накануне Февральской революции позволяло на
нейтральной платформе и в условиях конспирации координировать деятельность оппозиции. Но уход от морально-этических исканий в сторону политической борьбы
обусловил непризнание российского масонства братствами в других странах.

Issue: 61

Page Numbers: 286-299

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name: DIALOGUE WITH TIME

Research Interests:

The article analyses the perception of the mid-to-late nineteenthcentury Russian liberals of the West European states and their
foreign policy of the time towards Russia. The article discloses the
main features and differences in assessing the West and Russia as
its part. It allows to reveal such features in Russian liberalism as
common provisions and values typical of world liberal theory and a
number of special features which resulted in developing different
schools of liberal movement in Russia. The article underlines that
the range of liberal ideas varied from selective borrowing of some
elements of the western political system to their complete
adaptation in Russia. The article focuses on the opinion of a number
of national-oriented Russian liberals of the time who put forward a
priority task to modernize the country, to implement liberal reforms,
but not to strengthen its foreign policy power which, according to
them, prevents improving well-being of the people and social
stabilization.
The study allows to define a main vector of the ideological pursuit of
the Russian liberals, the part of whom tried to enroot the liberal
ideas in the backward peasant country.

Doi: 10.1080/07075332.2017.1350873

Issue: 4

Volume: 40

Page Numbers: 916-938

Publication Date: 2018

Research Interests:

The article provides the information on Iranian «soft power» that promotes IRI national interests worldwide. This component of the Iranian foreign policy plays an important role in the promotion of the state"s image in the world. There is an analysis of the evolution of the «soft power» of Iran – from the late period of the Pahlavi dynasty (1971-1979) to modern Islamic Republic. Various tools for its implementation are considered-through culture, language, tourism and diaspora. According to the authors" opinion, the importance of «soft power» issues in Iranian foreign policy strategies will be growing further.

Doi: 10.18384/2310-676X-2017-2-46-55

Issue: 2

Page Numbers: 46-55

Publication Date: 2017

Publication Name: Bulletin of Moscow Region State University. Series: History and Politic Sciences,

Research Interests:

Предметом исследования является Евро-Арктический (Баренцев) регион международного сотрудничества, а
именно перспективы и особенности данного региона в контексте повышающегося мирового внимания к Арктике.
Рассматриваются место Евро-Арктического региона во внешнеполитических устремлениях России, возможность
развития сотрудничества с международными партнёрами в этом уникальном регионе, являющемся связующим
мостом между такими мировыми геополитически-важными центрами как Европа, Россия и Арктика.
The subject of the study is the Euro-Arctic (Barents) region of international cooperation, namely the prospects and features
of this region in the context of rising global attention to the Arctic. The article considers the position of the Euro-Arctic region
in Russia’s foreign policy aspirations, the possibility of developing cooperation with international partners in this unique region,
which is a bridge between such world geopolitically-important centers as Europe, Russia and the Arctic.

Research Interests:

В статье рассматривается деятельность украинских экспертно-аналитических центров - think tanks - на примере «Центра им. А. Разумкова» - ведущей украинской «фабрики мысли». Подробно разбираются механизм и принципы работы центра, анализируется деятельность основных экспертов, среди которых А. Гриценко, Дж. Шерр, П. Розенко, А. Мельник, И. Жданов, В. Чалый, Ю. Мостовая, Н. Мартыненко, А. Рачок, а также источники финансирования. Авторы выделяют ряд проблем украинской системы аналитических центров, в том числе закрытость системы принятия решений на уровне государственной власти и местного самоуправления, отсутствие спроса органами государственной власти на услуги независимых аналитических структур, слабая финансовая и материально-техническая база, практическое отсутствие системы профессиональной подготовки кадров, неготовность бизнес-структур работать в режиме прикладных политических и экономических исследований, неразвитая коммуникация между цент¬рами внутри их профессиональной деятельности, слабое использование сети Интернет, аппаратно-программных комплексов, информационно-аналитических систем и пр. Проводя анализ его деятельности, авторы приходят к выводу, что подобного рода центры на Украине традиционно финансировались за счет различных структур (в том числе за¬рубежных), использовались в противостоянии местных политических и финансовых элит. В результате предоставляемые ими экспертные оценки и аналитика очень часто не отражали реального положения дел. В условиях же гражданской войны на Украине 2013-2014 гг. подобные центры окончательно превратились в инструмент информационной и психологической войны, дискредитировав себя фактическим пособничеством силам, совершившим государственный переворот и развернувшим борьбу с собственным народом.
The article is devoted to the activities of the Ukrainian think tanks in the context of studying “the Center of it. A. Razumkov” activity, which is supposed to be the leading Ukrainian think tank. The authors examined in detail the mechanisms and principles of the center’s work, analyzed the activity of key experts including A. Gritsenko, G. Sherr, P. Rozenko, A. Melnyk, I. Zhdanov, V. Chaly, Yu. Mostovaya, N. Martynenko, A. Rachok and sources of funding. The researchers highlighted a number of issues of the Ukrainian system of analytical centers, including the closed system of decision making at the state and local authorities level, the lack of demand for the services of independent analytical structures by public authorities, weak financial, material and technical base, the absence
of staff training, poor communication between the centers, insufficient use of the Internet, software and hardware, information-analytical systems, and so on. While analyzing their activities the author comes to the conclusion that they have mostly been funded by various agencies (including foreign ones) and used in opposition between the local political and financial elites. As a result their expert assessments and analytics very often did not reflect the real situation. Within the civil war in Ukraine in 2013-2014’s these think tanks finally
turned into an instrument of information and psychological war, being discredited by their actual support to the actors which had staged a coup and started a struggle against their own nation.

Research Interests:

В статье рассматриваются интересы западных транснациональных корпораций на Украине. Авторы рассматривают причины, определяющие высокий интерес западных ТНК к украинскому государству. Среди подобных причин называются выгодное геополи-тическое положение страны, оснащенность природными ресурсами, транспортно-коммуникационные возможности, большое народонаселение и пр. Авторы приходят к вы-воду, что платой для Украины за быструю интеграцию в европейские структуры и глоба-лизированную мировую экономику выступает эрозия ее национального суверенитета и утрата рычагов контроля за механизмами социально-экономического развития, так и по-литического развития.
The article deals with the interests of Western multinational corporations in Ukraine. The authors examine the reasons for the high-interest of western multinational corporations in the Ukrainian state. Among the such reasons the authors called advantageous geopolitical location of the country, equipped with natural resources, transport and communications capabilities, large population and so forth etc. The authors conclude that the fee for the rapid integration of Ukraine into European structures and the globalized world economy performs erosion of its national sovereignty and the loss of arms control mechanisms social-economic and political development.

Research Interests:

Рассматривается история, современное состояние и перспективы развития процесса евразийской интеграции. Дается характеристика основным этапам становления и развития евразийской интеграции. Обращается внимание на объективные сложности и очевидные проблемы, которые сопровождали и сопровождают этот процесс.
This article examines the history, current issues and prospects of development of the Eurasian integration process. The authors consider the main stages in the development of the Eurasian integration, indicate the objective difficulties and the obvious problems that have accompanied this process create serious obstacles for it.

Research Interests:

На фоне украинского кризиса 2013-2014 гг. все больше проводится аналогий между событиями на Украине и «арабской весной» 2011 г., говорится о том, что технологии арабской весны пришли на Украину. Так ли это на самом деле? Что общего и чем отличается характер событий в этих странах? Украинский кризис 2013-2014 гг. лишь при очень большом желании можно считать продолжением цепочки так называемых «цветных революций», которые прокатились по разным странам и регионам мира в течение десяти лет. При всем на первый взгляд сходстве украинский кризис видится самостоятельным явлением, вызванным переплетением как внутренних, так и внешних факторов, имевших примерно одинаковое значение, в то время как события «арабской весны» преимущественно формировались на основе внутренних факторов.
On the background of the Ukrainian crisis of 2013-2014 one makes more comparisons between the events in Ukraine and the “Arab spring” of 2011, says that the technologies of the “Arab spring” came to Ukraine. Is that really so? What are the common and the different factors of the events in these countries? The author of the article considers that the Ukrainian crisis of 2013-2014 can be regarded as a link in the chain of the so-called color revolutions in the different countries and regions of the world during the 2000s-2010s only by a long stretch of the imagination. Despite the formal resemblance the Ukrainian crisis seems to be an independent phenomenon, caused by the entwinement of the internal and external factors; both were of great importance. But the events of the “Arab spring” were mainly formed on the basis of the internal factors.

Research Interests:

В статье рассматриваются факторы, определяющие значение Украины как страны внутреннее развитие которой способно как укрепить и стабилизировать, так и ослабить и дестабилизировать международную безопасность как региональном, так и на глобальном уровнях. Анализируется национальные интересы Украины и геополитические устремления ее соседей – России, НАТО и ЕС, их соперничество за влияние на Украину.
The article examines the factors that determine the importance of Ukraine as a country which is capable of development internally how to strengthen and stabilize or weaken and destabilize the international security as a regional and global levels. Analyzed Ukraine"s national interests and geopolitical aspirations of its neighbors - Russia, NATO and the EU, their rivalry for influence in Ukraine.

Research Interests:

В данной статье проводится анализ основных геополитических подходов российских и украинских исследователей к Украине. Обращается внимание на то, что, давая оценки геополитическому положению Украины, российские и украинские авторы оценивают значимость Украины по-разному. Автор приходит к выводу, что, с одной стороны, не вызывает сомнения факт уникальности геополитического положения Украины, в связи с чем крайне важна ее внешнеполитическая ориентация. С другой же стороны, как показывает исследование, подобное положение не дает Украине возможности стать самостоятельным игроком, а делает ее «заложником» интересов сильных международных акторов.

Константинопольский патриарх будет неформальным главой Православной церкви на Украине

Петр Порошенко с супругой и патриархом Варфоломеем. Фото: rosbalt.ru

СМИ распространяют информацию о содержании проекта устава "единой поместной церкви" на Украине, утвержденном на заседании Священного синода Вселенского патриархата 27-29 ноября 2018 г. в Стамбуле. Если анализировать данный документ, то вырисовывается следующая картина. Он не предполагает создания автокефалии, которой так ждут украинские власти во главе с президентом Петром Порошенко.

Среди основных моментов, нашедших отражение в уставе, то, что украинская церковь «неразрывно связана» с Константинопольским патриархатом, а через него - со всеми иными автокефальными Церквями. В проекте говорится, что высшим титулом в автокефальной церкви будет митрополит Киевский. При том что многие автокефальные православные церкви возглавляются патриархами.

Архиерейскому Собору церкви предписано по всем глобальным вопросам связываться с Константинопольским патриархом, а тот, реагируя на обращение, сообщит Собору "необходимое". Будет лишена новая церковь и права самостоятельно канонизировать святых. Вместо этого, как говорится в утвержденном проекте устава, украинская церковь будет подавать их имена в Константинопольский патриархат для утверждения. При том что право канонизации является частью полномочий автокефальных церквей.

Кроме того, будущая украинская церковь будет получать миро, используемое в таинствах, только у Константинопольского патриархата, что является одним из главных признаков отсутствия настоящей автокефалии.

Наконец, Константинопольский патриархат, согласно уставу, становится высшей апелляционной структурой. Это значит, что Константинопольский патриарх становится последней инстанцией по всем важнейшим вопросам новой церкви. Иными словами, именно он будет неформальным главой Православной церкви на Украине. А теперь сравним статус будущей «единой поместной церкви» на Украине со статусом нынешней УПЦ Московского Патриархата.

Согласно Уставу РПЦ, куда в ноябре 2017 г. была внесена отдельная Глава X: «Украинская Православная Церковь», подчеркивающая особый статус УПЦ, Украинская Православная церковь абсолютно самостоятельно решает кадровые, финансовые, хозяйственные, имущественные, судебные вопросы, а также и внешние связи.

В частности, избрание всего духовенства, начиная от иподиаконов и заканчивая предстоятелем УПЦ; все вопросы финансирования приходов, монастырей, епархий и самой митрополии УПЦ; образование и упразднение епархий, определение их границ, создание в случае необходимости митрополичьих округов, создание и упразднение синодальных отделов, определение их полномочий и т.д.; в Украинской Православной Церкви действует собственная высшая церковно-судебная инстанция.

В чем тогда УПЦ подчиняется РПЦ? В вопросах вероучения, нравоучения, канонических вопросах. Это значит, что УПЦ не может самостоятельно излагать или объяснять православные вероучительные истины; что является грехом, а что нет; Глава РПЦ же одобряет Устав УПЦ.

Таким образом, если рассмотренный документ не фейк, не провокация и не ХПП, то ни о какой автокефалии для украинской церкви речи не идёт. Украина, стремясь уйти из-под власти РПЦ (читай России), оказывается в куда менее завидной ситуации. Но ведь это не важно - принцип назло маме отморожу уши работает в этой стране весьма успешно.

Константин Курылев - доктор исторических наук, профессор кафедры теории и истории международных отношений РУДН, специально для ИА "Реалист"