What is a secular state? Secular society. What is "light"? See what “Secular society” is in other dictionaries

23.07.2019 Style and fashion

B. Mukhamedzhanova
Researcher
Analysis and Monitoring Department
religious situation NIAC ISS RK

The secularity of society means its recognition as a value and the actual presence in social relations of freedom of belief, freedom of conscience, convictions and thoughts and acts as a value-based ethical category, an ideal that is indecomposable without remainder into formal and static characteristics, just like the concept of love of freedom or the concept faith.
The term “secularism” as a noun first appeared in the “Pedagogical Dictionary” of Fernand Buisson (1887), which in the 19th century. was a kind of thesaurus of the primary education of the French and contained 2,600 articles on various topics. Before its appearance in the Pedagogical Dictionary, this term was used only as an adjective (“secular school”, “secular morality”, “secular state”). Another French encyclopedist, author of a famous dictionary French(1973), Emile Littre, defined secularism as the sign of a state that is “neutral towards all cults, independent of the clergy and free from any theological concept.” To be a secular person meant in the 17th and 18th centuries. to be an anti-clerical person, i.e. confront the church and clergy. But, these days, secularism is not limited to the anti-clerical struggle, and in most cases it is associated with the formation of (secular) morality.
Along with the presentation of a secular society as free from religious concepts, it also implies respect and tolerance for the diversity of religions, pushes for the creation of a secular type of humanism in society, forms in a citizen a patriot of his country who loves his Motherland, and at the same time does not exclude the position of strengthening national culture and traditional religions for a given society.
Kazakhstani society can confidently be called secular, evidence of this is the multi-religious and multinational nature of our citizens. Despite the diversity of different views, traditions and cultures, Kazakhstan remains the only state on the territory of the former Soviet Union, where there are no conflicts on national or religious grounds that bring confusion and unrest into the life of society. Kazakhstan in its activities relies on generally recognized international acts in the field of human rights. In this regard, the Kazakhstani regulatory framework in the field of ensuring freedom of religion and belief in
generally complies with pan-European and global democratic standards. At the same time, Kazakhstan is making active efforts to
improving legislation on religious activities, which are aimed at building constructive relationships between the state and confessions.
Kazakhstan's experience in strengthening dialogue between cultures and religions, establishing effective cooperation and constructive
partnerships between the world's religious leaders are rightly recognized as a global standard.
At the initiative of the President of Kazakhstan, four Congresses of world and world leaders were successfully held in Astana. traditional religions. These global forums of tolerance showed the correctness and accuracy of the foreign policy course of the secular state and became evidence of the effectiveness of the unique Kazakhstani model of interfaith cooperation. Today, secularism of society is a guarantor of the development and modernization of the state. It is worth noting that every secular state must have clearly formulated secular principles. If they are not respected, the state will become vulnerable to interfaith conflicts. Therefore, the spread of lack of spirituality and, at the same time, the radicalization of religious views should not be allowed in Kazakhstan. In this regard, from among the values of a secular society identified by the Head of State, Special attention devoted to ideological values that determine the spiritual and moral qualities of our people. They were formed by our ancestors and, as the President accurately said, “tested by time.” They allowed us to win, strengthen the country and our faith in the future, and increase our successes. The value component of spirituality as the main element of secular society has become actualized against the background of global crisis trends occurring today in both the economic and spiritual spheres. At the present stage of human development, the phenomenon of lack of spirituality has a very alarming and dangerous context, in which, if they do not arise, then they find a breeding ground for negative phenomena in society. Before our eyes, processes of increasing lack of spirituality are taking place in Europe. Moreover, they are accompanied by the adoption of laws that violate universal, and even more so, religious values - laws legalizing homosexual marriage, euthanasia, and so on. The peculiarity of modern society is that it is value-disoriented. If we take into consideration the pyramid of the famous American psychologist A. Maslow, then the state of modern society is frightening. In the pursuit of material success, man forgot something more - spirituality, which for A. Maslow is located somewhere in the “cellar” human life. Religion, as a fundamental element of spirituality, is a kind of light in this dark room.

Kazakhstani society, based on secular principles, needs to understand that the world order is unthinkable without high morality and spirituality. All the best that exists in the culture of every nation should be the property of all humanity. In such a world there should be no place for mutual suspicion, discrimination on religious or other grounds. This will be a community in which progress will be measured not only by the amount of material wealth, but also by the high morality and responsibility of people.
Spirituality is usually understood as the state of a person’s inner mental life, the qualities of his soul, his mentality, and, consequently, his character and way of life determined by the Spirit. In this case, they talk about the spiritual world of the individual, about the spiritual or mental life, about the spiritual atmosphere in the culture of society. It should be noted that along with a person’s religious spirituality, there is a basic, secular spirituality.
True, positive spirituality is a set of values, ideas and feelings of love and goodness, the sublime and beautiful, conscience and altruism, thirst for knowledge and maintaining peace with other people, caring attitude towards all living things, towards nature in general. Such spirituality inspires a person to do good deeds, compassion for people and creative work, instills optimism and confidence in the success of a good deed.
In the thirty-eighth word, Abai speaks about the need for the spiritual elevation of man: “The human mind is improved by boundless, inexhaustible love for good. With His perfect mastery, Allah created the universe and man so that he could grow and continue the human race. It is the sacred duty of each of us to increase the number of our friends. It depends on your cordiality, goodwill towards others, which will cause a reciprocal feeling, or at least do not wish harm to others, do not try to rise above others in words or deeds.”
There are great undeniable values that have nothing to do with material well-being, which will forever remain a priority and fundamental for a person. The main ones are spirituality and morality. Their main carriers are the creative role of religion, preserving the national and religious traditions developed over centuries, the original historical and cultural experience of each people.
It is worth noting that the formation of a certain type of secular society is determined by the specific historical, political, cultural and other characteristics of the country.
Today, many European states are secular, but despite this they have a state religion enshrined in the basic law of the country.
The Republic of Kazakhstan is forming its own preferential identification type of secular state. The state, based on the interests of citizens, recognizes the leading role of Islam of the Hanafi madhhab and Orthodox Christianity At the same time, it cooperates with various religious organizations in the country.
The Kazakh people have undergone serious trials throughout their rich, centuries-old history. Many of the dramatic moments that befell him were possible to overcome thanks to the spiritual and moral core inherent in the people, one of the sources of which was religious faith.
President Nursultan Nazarbayev said in one of his speeches: “For thousands of years, cultures based on faith have preserved their living word in history. In a sense, preserving one’s religious spirit is the key to preserving entire nations in history.”
If we proceed from the essence of any monotheistic religion present in our country, its internal content, then it certainly has a positive effect on the morality and spirituality of society, on interpersonal relationships, on solving problems facing society and the state. She calls for fighting not so much with the imperfections of the outside world, but with one’s own shortcomings. That is, the main vector of a believer’s efforts is directed not outward, although this is also present, but inward. By developing spiritually, a believer is able to improve social relations. Thus, spiritual development in accordance with the dogmas of faith is positive thing both for an individual and for society in any secular state.
Priorities of state policy of Kazakhstan, which, based on the norms of the Constitution, treat religion as an integral component complex system human relationships, as a unique form of existence, based on universal human values and the interpretation of events occurring around them in the spirit of eternal moral values.
Along with the fact that the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan proclaims the rights of citizens to freedom of religion, human freedom should not be limited only to purely legal norms, but should also take into account moral laws - because only if people begin to be guided by moral laws, they will be able to preserve our land in unity and peace for the life of future generations. These moral laws and commandments were developed a long time ago and are present in the canonical texts of all religious teachings.
Today for our country the most important task is to increase the spirituality of Kazakhstani society, the formation among citizens of a religious consciousness that corresponds to the traditions and cultural norms of the country, with the implementation of the best models of behavior developed by humanity. Together we must form and offer society a new model of religious consciousness and behavior, preventing society from returning back to the Middle Ages and at the same time the spread of lack of spirituality in Kazakh society.
In strengthening the principles of a secular society, it is fundamentally important for us to preserve our own achievements in building a stable society. The coexistence of various ethno-cultural and religious traditions has become a reality in our country. We believe that multi-ethnicity and multi-confessionalism should become factors of creation and progress. We must use natural differences in spiritual experience, history and culture for the common good and progress.
To strengthen the spiritual growth of Kazakhstani society, it is necessary to develop the Spirit of the Nation, as a unifying and strengthening principle. The spiritual principle is the force that unites the Nation into a single whole. The stronger the spirit of the people, the higher the prospects for its statehood. This is the main engine of history and our destiny. It is the Spirit of the Nation that determines the unique appearance of any country, sets the direction and gives impetus to development.
The spirit of the nation is based on thousand-year-old traditions, values and culture, on language, as part of the self-awareness of the people. It was the language, traditional spiritual values and our unique culture that supported the people for centuries, preventing them from dissolving into history. And today they form the basis of our spirituality, as a unique integrity that makes
us special, unlike others. Therefore, the revival and development of spirituality, culture, traditions and language are one of most important responsibilities secular state.
In conclusion, I would like to quote the words from the book of the President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev “In the Flow of History”: “History can give everything, but independence as a form of internal freedom cannot be given. Independence is the only form of existence of a people who are aware of and stand for the right to be a subject in the flow of history.”
We must not forget that we have centuries-old traditions of a secular society, and that Kazakhstan, according to the Constitution, is a secular state. Our task is to build and develop a secular state, explaining to the people its principles, including spiritual ones.

IN Tsarist Russia almost everyone knew what the term “secular society” meant. Thanks to the classics of Russian literature, schoolchildren also know this, at least from Pushkin’s “Eugene Onegin.”

But times have changed, and some things have been turned upside down. So I have a question: why did people who have always been servants of secular society (actors, singers, hairdressers, tailors and others) suddenly become secular society?

Moreover, many still boast that they studied poorly at school, were hooligans, and now they are raking in the money and teaching everyone how to live, showing off their palaces and other luxury.

They consider themselves secular people - they sing to themselves, clap for themselves, they sit at the tables themselves (“On Saturday evening,” for example), I wonder where so many “stars” fell out of?

The same thing happens on New Year: if you turn on any “Ogonyok” or any New Year’s show, you can’t help but feel that the people who sing, dance and tell something on the TV screen have gathered there solely for their own sake. This is their party, and there is no question that anyone else will watch it. The same faces and flat jokes.

However, they are still servants. Any of us, having offered them money (if our money is tight), will see their antics at our corporate event. Because they are omnivorous: whoever pays, they will dance in front of him - even in front of Obama, even in front of Kim Jong-un, even in front of Satan himself.

Some painted girl gives a cheeky interview, and the captions explain to the audience that she is a socialite. There is such a profession! Although the “lioness” looks like a real prostitute. These people are now diplomatically called prostitutes...

A “prestigious” and highly profitable profession is a model (dress hanger). Where does a doctor care about her? Well, since pay for labor is a measure of the social value of labor, we conclude that “hangers” are much more valuable to society than doctors, teachers, and scientists.

I look with bitterness at TV channels where mediocrity, narcissism, and immaturity reign... But what about Pushkin? Turgenev? Dostoevsky? Or have Lolita and her ilk eclipsed everything and everyone?! Secular society comes from the word light, but what we are seeing now is essentially darkness.

I can’t say that today there is nothing lofty or spiritual - there is, but in a sea of vulgarity these are just small islands.

Of course, it would not be worth paying attention to the poor, but some of them cause real harm. Some, not very large, part of the youth, and even the middle generation, takes them seriously.

Once upon a time, V. Mayakovsky, not at all referring to those who are now on television screens, wrote: “If the stars light up, does that mean someone needs it?” Does this mean our citizens need this? Listen to vulgarity?

What viewers are like are their idols. It would probably be more correct to talk not about the culture of individual individuals, but about society as a whole. If such “talents” were not in demand, then we would not see such mediocre performances.

Television exists and thrives in some kind of autonomous mode, they pay it for advertising, and it does its best for the audience, which consumes everything that is shown. Such viewers are consumers of everything “simple,” understandable or “terribly” mysterious. This is what our television broadcast is rich in. Concerts of the so-called “stars” are going on successfully all over the country, their organizers honestly say: “We only bring those who can fill the hall.” Well, keep paying if you like it. Jumping, making faces under the “plywood”, for your money they buy themselves luxurious mansions in Rublyovka and Miami.

Our population for the most part has become not only a society consuming bread and circuses, but also information. The people imposed on us by the media are considered respected people who know everything. Can anyone remember offhand a modern, respected scientist? But many people know bohemia by heart. What he eats, who he sleeps with, where he rests, what he gets sick with, and so on. It was not they who became a secular society, it was we who raised them there!

The main persons of Soviet society were workers, peasants, engineers, scientists, teachers, doctors, heroes of labor, heroes of the country, and only then the creative intelligentsia, statesmen.

Do you, veterans, remember how it all began? How we moved from films like “Nine Days of One Year” to films like “Intergirl” - not the worst, by the way. How were we made to worry that “poor” Alla Pugacheva was being robbed? How did it suddenly turn out that it is not prestigious to work as a teacher, doctor, or engineer?

Everything was done deliberately. The same teacher, by and large, belongs to the upper class - those who direct the development of society from human animals to homo sapiens.

But for the Russians, the beacon has always been the Spirit and God, and not Mammon the Golden Calf. And that's why we're still alive.

In the classical era, "secular" meant worldly and was opposed to the church. In the 19th century, secular began to be understood as belonging to “good society”, or simply “society”, as it was common to say in those days.

Go out into the world : “My father was not in society,” writes Remusat, talking about the Hundred Days, an era when his father did not visit anyone except Madame Deven. So, “going out into the world” means “visiting salons.”

The expression "socialite", according to Robert's dictionary, has three meanings. Antique: a person of noble birth; obsolete: courtier, courtier; modern: “A person who lives in a society and knows the norms accepted there.” In the era that interests us, the concept of “secular person” had a completely definite social meaning, just like “politician” or “writer”: especially since in the same salon one could sometimes meet holders of all these titles at the same time. Talking about a certain evening, Remusat reports that among the guests only two were “just socialites,” that is, they lived on rent and spent time in salons.

The aristocrats of the Restoration era understand “society” exclusively as a collection of persons admitted to the court. However, to think so means to forget two important circumstances: firstly, the skills of secular communication were characteristic not only of the court circle, and secondly, court society also evolved: the court of the Restoration era and the court of the July Monarchy are not at all the same thing .

In fact, if until 1830 the court and the Saint-Germain Faubourg were connected by many ties, the same people shone both at the court and in the salons of the Faubourg, then under the July Monarchy, on the contrary, the inhabitants of the Faubourg mostly left the court. Since Louis Philippe was often reproached for accepting people indiscriminately at his court, it no longer occurred to anyone to identify secular society with court society.

Under the July Monarchy commonplace there are complaints about the changes happening all around. Remusat explains what these changes were. On the one hand, “the last representatives of the society of the 18th century,” which he found in his youth, “died, became decrepit, or left.” On the other hand, “the new part of society, elevated by the revolution,” did not create new forms of secular communication, and the atmosphere that reigned in it was “colorless and sterile.” The court consisted of ordinary people, the government consisted of people of very different origins, and this mixture of representatives of many classes gave rise to constraint and lowered everyone to the level of mediocrity.

Of course, countless variations on the theme “there is no more secular society” were generated primarily by the feeling that the society that existed under the Old Order had irretrievably disappeared. Society ladies who still remembered the salons of the 18th century, the pre-revolutionary salons, gradually passed away, and with them the aristocratic ability to live, conduct a conversation, and joke disappeared. One image that appears under the pen of Remuse is symbolic. The style of the last century collides with the style of the new century: a high society lady walks hand in hand with a swindler. This is the last appearance of Madame de La Briche on the pages of Remusat's Memoirs.

This change in style is often attributed to the significant role that politics began to play during these years. Virginia Anselot developed this idea in detail in her two books on salons - books that reflected her personal experience, for this lady, born in 1792, received guests in her salon under four powers, from the Restoration to the Second Empire, and knew “all Paris” for half a century. Madame Anselo was the wife of an academician and herself composed plays that were successful. During the Restoration, the Anselo couple occupied one of the apartments in the La Rochefoucauld mansion, on the Rue Seine, and during the July Monarchy they moved to a small house on the Rue Joubert, in the Highway d'Antin quarter. According to Mrs. Anselot, after 1830, in the salons of any political passions prevailed: the inhabitants of the Saint-Germain suburb were sullen and angry; they missed those who, having followed the deposed king and his family, left Paris; however, the supporters of the new government were also dissatisfied and little inclined to socialize: they “so often” were attacked by newspapermen and deputies who could not hide their concern and anxiety.”

The world is a whole galaxy, consisting of salons, circles, court parties, which are constantly striving to expand their sphere of influence, but this expansion is carried out in a disorderly and inconsistent manner, especially after 1830, when the Saint-Germain suburb breaks with the new government, and the court, having opened access to the Tuileries for almost everyone loses its prestige.

The Restoration courtyard, for all its severity, played the role of a center. The court of the July Monarchy could not play this role. Victor Balabin, secretary of the Russian embassy, who arrived in Paris in May 1842, had reason to write on January 20, 1843: “Every society needs a center; here the center does not exist; here there are only parties that are in no way connected with each other - disparate members of a body crippled by revolutions. Each of them is a leaf torn from the great book of national history.”

People familiar with other capitals emphasize that the secular geography of Paris is extremely difficult to understand. Having spent eighteen years in Paris, Rudolf Apponyi never ceases to be amazed at this society that “has no boundaries.” Anyone who wants to gain fame here must come to despair. How do you know who sets the tone? Whose favor should I seek? In London, it is enough to be received in the house of Duke X or appear in public in the company of Lady Y to gain the right to be called a man of the world. In Paris, on the contrary, “you have to win this title again and again every day in each of the salons; here no one recognizes anyone's authority; yesterday's success does not help you at all today; the favorite of one salon is not known to a single living soul in the house opposite.”

So, it is extremely difficult for a newcomer to understand secular relationships. In April 1835, Prince Schönburg, the envoy of the Austrian Emperor, could not understand why, no matter how much he made inquiries, he still could not form a clear idea of the French world. Rudolf Apponyi remarks in this regard: “To judge the speeches made by the French, it is not enough to know to which party they belong; we must also take into account what position they occupied before the July Revolution, whether they were in opposition and if they were, then for what reason; in addition, we must try to find out what circumstances forced them to take the side of Louis Philippe, whether they are sincerely committed to him or whether they share the opinion of the government only on certain issues.”

To understand all these problems, at the time described, a whole topology was invented. The Parisian world was divided into quarters: Faubourg Saint-Germain, Faubourg Saint-Honoré, Highway d'Antin quarter, Marais quarter. This made it possible to determine by the address of the mansion which of the secular “parties” its inhabitant belonged to.

However, fame and luxury are by no means synonymous. Some famous salons on Sèvres Street, on Ferme-de-Mathurin Street, on Royal Street are huddled in two-room apartments. Their mistresses in the past either moved in high society themselves, or had sufficient wealth to establish acquaintances there, and retained these connections by moving to more modest homes.

Similar relocations took place during the Restoration era - the post-revolutionary era, when people became richer and poorer so rapidly that it was possible not to lose secular connections, even when going broke. But under the July Monarchy, money began to play a decisive role. This is confirmed by the example of James Rothschild. The banker Rothschild was already very rich during the Restoration era, but at that time secular society boycotted him. In gratitude for the personal services rendered, he asked Metternich for the diplomatic post of Austrian consul in Paris and in this rank gained access to many salons, the doors of which would not have opened to him if he had been a simple banker. Under Louis Philippe, the baron no longer needed a diplomatic position in order to occupy a dominant position in the world: the magnificent festivities he organized were to the taste of all those invited, and at court his presence was considered an honor.

Let us return, however, to secular geography. The names of the four quarters are only very loosely related to the actual geography of Paris. You can live in the Faubourg Saint-Honoré, but still be part of the Faubourg Saint-Germain. The names of the neighborhoods indicate not so much the place of residence as the sociopolitical affiliation of a particular person and his attitude to the spirit of the times and innovations. This gives Delphine de Girardin the basis in 1839 to describe the neighborhoods, taking as a starting point their relationship to fashion. What happens is this: the Chausse d'Antin quarter, like ministers, proposes. The Faubourg Saint-Honoré, like the Chamber of Deputies, approves. The Faubourg Saint-Germain, like the Chamber of Peers, sanctifies. Finally, the Marais quarter, like the government, executes, conducts life.

Highway d'Antin. Highway d'Antin is a block on the right bank of the Seine, located between the Boulevard des Italiennes and the Rue Saint-Lazare. In the east it is bounded by the Rue du Faubourg Montmartre and the Rue des Martyrs, and in the west by the Rue Arcade and the Rue de la Roche. At the end of 1836, a luxurious new temple- Church of Our Lady of Loreta.

At the beginning of the 18th century, the Porcheron quarter was a large forested area, consisting of parks that belonged to farmers, and vast lands that were in the possession of the Abbey of the Canonesses of Montmartre. In 1720, when the quarter began to be divided into sections for sale, it was called the Gaillon quarter, and then began to be called the Highway d'Antin quarter - after the name of the main street. In 1793, this street was christened into Mont Blanc Street, but in 1815 finally returned its name to Highway d'Antin. From the second half of the 18th century, financiers and artists began to settle here, thus starting a tradition that continued into the next century.

This area of Paris began to be actively developed during the Restoration era. In the 1820s, the “New Athens” arose here between the rue La Rochefoucauld and the Tour de Dame, on the one hand, and the rue Blanche and Saint-Lazare, on the other. And nearby, between La Rochefoucauld and Martyrs streets, starting in 1823, a part of the quarter began to be built, called Saint-Georges.

According to a tradition dating back to the 18th century, artists settled next to representatives of the business world in the Highway d'Antin quarter.

Famous actors also lived in the Highway d'Antin quarter: Mademoiselle Mars, Mademoiselle Duchesnois, Talma. Arnal, a comedian from the Vaudeville theater, in 1843 lived in the mansion of the Jockey Club, at the intersection of Grange-Batelier Street and Boulevard Italienne. Mademoiselle Mars, who bought the Three Brothers site in 1822, sold it in 1829. The architect Cresy demolished the old building and built it on the same site, called “Orléans Square”, new house, where many artists lived; in 1840, Malibran's sister, singer Pauline Viardot and her husband, and the great dancer Maria Taglioni; in 1842, George Sand, Chopin and Kalkbrenner - the great pianist, Liszt's rival. House 56, Rue du Faubourg Poissoniere, completed in 1838, belonged in 1840 to Delestre-Poirson, a vaudeville writer and theatrical entrepreneur; At first he lived there himself, and then sold the mansion to Alexandre-Charles Sauvageau, the former first violin in the Opera orchestra. Singers Dupre and Roger (the second from the Opéra-Comique) lived in a mansion on Rue Rochechouart.

The Chausse d'Antin quarter, symbolizing dynamism and modernity thanks to its proximity to the Grands Boulevards, also had a reputation as a bustling realm of wealth and fashion.

Mare. The quarters differed from one another in morals, attire, and manner of speaking, and these differences were very significant. Therefore, in order to succeed in Parisian society, it was necessary to know by what criteria people were assessed in each of the quarters. Arriving at the venerable gentlemen from an old noble family living in the Marais quarter, a young dandy from the Highway d'Antin quarter with his cigars, buzzwords and categorical judgments like: “this is absurd” and “this is colossal”, “this old brat” and “this crazy idiot” had every chance of frightening the prim relatives of his bride and not getting her hand.

Balzac's story "The Secondary Family" is built on the contrast between the Highway d'Antin and the Marais. When the prosecutor Granville, having married a pious provincial woman, comes with her to Paris, then, at the request of Madame Granville, they settle in the Marais, on the corner of the Vieille du street -Temple, not far from the church. Mr. de Granville himself would prefer to live in the Highway d'Antin quarter, where everything is young and full of life, where fashion appears in all its novelty, where elegant people walk along the boulevards, and to the theaters. and other entertainment venues are just around the corner.” To please his wife, Granville agrees to “bury himself in the Marais,” but he settles his mistress on Rue Tebu, in the heart of the Highway d’Antin. Limited people live in the ancient center of Paris. If they say about a person that he “grew up in Marais", this means that even after moving to the Saint-Germain suburb, he will sin with the most vulgar tight-fistedness. The Scandal Chronicle magazine mocks a certain Madame d'Ange... who, having settled in one of the Saint-Germain mansions. suburbs, constantly suffers from the thought that guests will “spoil” something in its luxurious halls. She visits her magnificent apartments only on reception days, but lives in an apartment on the floor above, surrounded by penny furniture. The ancient families from the Marais quarter, which by their origin could lay claim to a significant role in society, are lost against the backdrop of the bright, ostentatious secularism of the Highway d'Antin.

Faubourg Saint-Honoré. Charles de Remusat considers himself to be part of the “circle of the Faubourg Saint-Honoré.” From 1797 to 1868, he changed fourteen apartments (not counting ministerial ones), and all within the boundaries of this suburb

which served as Place Vendôme and Boulevard Madeleine, rue Sausset and rue Faubourg Saint-Honoré, rue Anjou-Saint-Honoré and Royal-Saint-Honoré. Remusat considered common sense and moderation to be the distinctive features of the inhabitants of this suburb. Rooted in a pre-revolutionary society, not alien to the philosophy of the Enlightenment, advocating a “good revolution”, the society that lived in the Faubourg Saint-Honoré was connected with “many ties” to the Empire. But, in the end, having become disillusioned with Napoleon, the suburb of Saint-Honoré took the side of the Restoration, whose ideas, “although with some reservations, they fully shared.”

The reputation of the Faubourg Saint-Honoré was much less pronounced than that of the Faubourg Saint-Germain or its antipode, the Highway d'Antin quarter. According to Remusat, the Faubourg Saint-Honoré was the center of the liberal aristocracy, in contrast to the Faubourg Saint-Germain - stronghold of the legitimist aristocracy. However, the matter here was in the most subtle shades, because in the end both of them were brought together by a common origin and a common history: “Many emigrants lived here, many people whose fathers died under the knife of the guillotine in 1793. here are noble-born people, as well as secular people who tried their best to think like noble-born people.”

In the Faubourg Saint-Honoré, two categories of secular people coexist: aristocrats with liberal convictions, and foreigners, including some ambassadors.

Saint-Germain suburb. The Saint-Germain suburb was located on the left bank of the Seine; it was bordered on the east by the street

Holy Fathers, from the west - Les Invalides, from the north - the embankment of the Seine, and from the south - the fence of the Seminary of Foreign Missions. The suburb consisted of five long streets: Bourbons (after 1830 it was renamed Lille Street), University, Grenelle, Varennes, Saint-Dominique. Under Louis XV, aristocrats fell in love with this area of Paris and willingly alternated living here with a stay in Versailles. During the revolution, many noble residents of the suburbs were executed, others emigrated, and the property of both was requisitioned or sold off. However, with J796, a gradual return of property to the former owners began, ending in 1825 with the passage of the Billion Bill for Emigrants. The compensation received allowed some families to renovate their mansions.

During the Restoration, all the mansions of the Saint-Germain suburb were reoccupied. Rue Saint-Dominique alone contained twenty-five mansions, some of which were built in the 18th or even 17th century. The nobility of the times of the Empire and the favorites of the new government coexisted here with the ancient aristocracy. It was at this time that the main distinctive feature The Saint-Germain suburb, formerly famous for the beauty of its buildings and the comfort of its gardens, has become a noble origin of its inhabitants.

During the reigns of Louis XVIII and Charles X, life in the Faubourg Saint-Germain allowed aristocrats to stay both in the city and at court. To get from the Faubourg to the Tuileries, it was enough to cross the bridge. And even those more than a hundred aristocrats who held court posts and therefore lived in the Tuileries, also left behind them houses in the Faubourg Saint-Germain, for many had court service “quarterly”. At that time, the Suburb and the courtyard completely coincided with each other. At first, the name “Faubourg Saint-Germain” meant a real quarter where mainly aristocrats lived, but it soon acquired a symbolic meaning. The expression "Faubourg Saint-Germain", sometimes transformed into "noble suburb" or simply "Faubourg" with a capital letter, came to metonymically designate the highest stratum of the French nobility living in Paris and moving at court. This expression began to imply not just aristocracy, but - more broadly - a style worthy of the old elite, implying the ancient grace of language and manners. The symbol turned out to be stronger than geography. If the Faubourg Saint-Germain is not only a place, but also a style, then you can live in another area of Paris and still remain the embodiment of the “spirit of the Faubourg.” Balzac hints at this in “The Duchesse de Langeais”: “And on the Place Royale, and in the Faubourg Saint-Honoré, and in the Highway d'Antin quarter there are Mansions where the spirit of the Faubourg Saint-Germain breathes.”

Under the July Monarchy, the symbolic meaning of the expression "Faubourg Saint-Germain" became even more obvious. Representatives of the Faubourg began to include all aristocrats who remained loyal to the senior branch of the Bourbons, while the inhabitants of the Highway d'Antin and the Faubourg Saint-Honoré began to be understood as supporters of the new government or representatives of the new ruling classes. "Saint-Germain Faubourg" became a symbol of loyalty , opposing betrayal, a symbol of ancient values opposing modernity.

Who lived in the Faubourg Saint-Germain? Sometimes the same family, belonging to the ancient nobility, lived in the same mansion from generation to generation. But much more often, due to divisions between heirs and political cataclysms, mansions are transferred from one family to another.

Secular society. What is "light"?

Go out into the world : “My father has never been in the world,” writes Remusat, talking about the Hundred Days, an era when his father visited no one except Madame Deven. So, “going out into the world” means “visiting salons.”

Under the July Monarchy, complaints about the changes taking place all around became commonplace. Remusat explains what these changes were. On the one hand, “the last representatives of the society of the 18th century,” which he found in his youth, “died, became decrepit, or left.” On the other hand, “the new part of society, elevated by the revolution,” did not create new forms of secular communication, and the atmosphere that reigned in it was “colorless and sterile.” The court consisted of ordinary people, the government consisted of people of very different origins, and this mixture of representatives of many classes gave rise to constraint and lowered everyone to the level of mediocrity.

This change in style is often attributed to the significant role that politics began to play during these years. Virginia Anselot developed this idea in detail in her two books on salons - books that reflected her personal experience, for this lady, born in 1792, received guests in her salon under four powers, from the Restoration to the Second Empire, and knew with “all of Paris” for half a century. Madame Anselo was the wife of an academician and herself composed plays that were successful. During the Restoration, the Anselo couple occupied one of the apartments in the La Rochefoucauld mansion, on the Rue Seine, and during the July Monarchy they moved to a small house on the Rue Joubert, in the Highway d'Antin quarter. According to Mrs. Anselot, after 1830, in the salons of any political passions prevailed: the inhabitants of the Saint-Germain suburb were sullen and angry; they missed those who, having followed the deposed king and his family, left Paris; however, the supporters of the new government were also dissatisfied and little inclined to socialize: they “so often” were attacked by newspapermen and deputies who could not hide their concern and anxiety.”

The world is a whole galaxy, consisting of salons, circles, court parties, which are constantly striving to expand their sphere of influence, but this expansion is carried out in a disorderly and inconsistent manner, especially after 1830, when the Saint-Germain suburb breaks with the new government, and the court, Having opened access to the Tuileries to almost everyone, it loses its prestige.

However, fame and luxury are by no means synonymous. Some famous salons on the Rue Sèvres, on the Rue des Fermes de Mathurins, on the Rue Royale are huddled in two-room apartments. Their mistresses in the past either moved in high society themselves, or had sufficient wealth to establish acquaintances there, and retained these connections by moving to more modest homes.

Highway d'Antin . Highway d'Antin is a quarter on the right bank of the Seine, located between the Boulevard des Italiens and the Rue Saint-Lazare. In the east it is bounded by the Rue du Faubourg Montmartre and the Rue des Martyrs, and in the west by the Rue des Arcades and the Rue de la Roche. At the end of 1836, this a luxurious new temple was built in the block - the Church of Our Lady of Loreta.

At the beginning of the 18th century, the Porcheron quarter was a large forested area, consisting of parks that belonged to farmers, and vast lands that were in the possession of the Abbey of the Canonesses of Montmartre. In 1720, when the quarter began to be divided into sections for sale, it was called the Gayon quarter, and then began to be called the Highway d'Antin quarter - after the name of the main street. In 1793, this street was christened into Mont Blanc Street, but in 1815 year the name of Highway d'Antin was finally returned to it. From the second half of the 18th century, financiers and artists began to settle here, thus starting a tradition that continued into the next century.

According to a tradition dating back to the 18th century, artists settled next to representatives of the business world in the Highway d'Antin quarter.

Famous actors also lived in the Highway d'Antin quarter: Mademoiselle Mars, Mademoiselle Duchesnois, Talma. Arnal, a comedian from the Vaudeville theater, in 1843 lived in the mansion of the Jockey Club, at the intersection of Grange-Batelier Street and Boulevard Italienne. Mademoiselle Mars, who bought the site of the Three Brothers in 1822, sold it in 1829. The architect Cresy demolished the old building and built a new house on the same site, called "Orléans Square", where many artists lived in 1840; Malibran's sister, a singer; Pauline Viardot with her husband, and the great dancer Maria Taglioni; in 1842, George Sand, Chopin and Kalkbrenner - the great pianist, Liszt's rival. House 56 on the rue des Faubourgs Poissoniere, completed in 1838, belonged to Delestre-Poirson, a vaudeville writer, in 1840. and a theater entrepreneur; at first he lived there himself, and then sold the mansion to Alexandre-Charles Sauvageau, the former first violin in the orchestra of the Opera. Singers Dupre and Roger (the second from the Opéra-Comique) lived in a mansion on the Rue Rochechouart.

The Chausse d'Antin quarter, symbolizing dynamism and modernity thanks to its proximity to the Grands Boulevards, also had a reputation as a bustling realm of wealth and fashion.

The reputation of the Faubourg Saint-Honoré was much less pronounced than that of the Faubourg Saint-Germain or its antipode, the Highway d'Antin quarter. According to Remusat, the Faubourg Saint-Honoré was the center of the liberal aristocracy, in contrast to the Faubourg Saint-Germain - - a stronghold of the legitimist aristocracy. However, the matter here was in the most subtle shades, because in the end both of them were brought together by a common origin and a common history: “Many emigrants lived here, many people whose fathers died under the knife of the guillotine in 1793. there were noble-born people here, as well as secular people who tried their best to think like noble-born people.”

In the Faubourg Saint-Honoré, two categories of secular people coexist: aristocrats with liberal convictions, and foreigners, including some ambassadors.

Faubourg Saint-Germain . The Saint-Germain suburb was located on the left bank of the Seine; it was bordered on the east by the street

Holy Fathers, from the west - the Les Invalides, from the north - the embankment of the Seine, and from the south - the fence of the Seminary of Foreign Missions. The suburb consisted of five long streets: Bourbons (after 1830 it was renamed Lille Street), University, Grenelle, Varennes, Saint-Dominique. Under Louis XV, aristocrats fell in love with this area of Paris and willingly alternated living here with a stay in Versailles. During the revolution, many noble residents of the suburbs were executed, others emigrated, and the property of both was requisitioned or sold off. However, with J796, a gradual return of property to the former owners began, ending in 1825 with the passage of the Billion Bill for Emigrants. The compensation received allowed some families to renovate their mansions.

During the Restoration, all the mansions of the Saint-Germain suburb were reoccupied. Rue Saint-Dominique alone contained twenty-five mansions, some of which were built in the 18th or even 17th century. The nobility of the times of the Empire and the favorites of the new government coexisted here with the ancient aristocracy. It was at this time that the main distinguishing feature of the Saint-Germain suburb, previously famous for the beauty of its buildings and the comfort of its gardens, became the noble origin of its inhabitants.

During the reigns of Louis XVIII and Charles X, life in the Faubourg Saint-Germain allowed aristocrats to stay both in the city and at court. To get from the Faubourg to the Tuileries, it was enough to cross the bridge. And even those more than a hundred aristocrats who held court posts and therefore lived in the Tuileries, also left behind them houses in the Faubourg Saint-Germain, for many had court service “quarterly”. At that time, the Suburb and the courtyard completely coincided with each other. At first, the name “Faubourg Saint-Germain” meant a real quarter where mainly aristocrats lived, but it soon acquired a symbolic meaning. The expression "Faubourg Saint-Germain", sometimes transformed into "noble suburb" or simply "Faubourg" with a capital letter, came to metonymically designate the highest stratum of the French nobility living in Paris and moving at court. This expression began to imply not only aristocracy, but - more broadly - a style worthy of the old elite, implying the ancient grace of language and manners. The symbol turned out to be stronger than geography. If the Faubourg Saint-Germain is not only a place, but also a style, then you can live in another area of Paris and still remain the embodiment of the “spirit of the Faubourg.” Balzac hints at this in “The Duchesse de Langeais”: “And on the Place Royale, and in the Faubourg Saint-Honoré, and in the Highway d'Antin quarter there are Mansions where the spirit of the Faubourg Saint-Germain breathes.”

Norm; solutions government agencies cannot have a religious justification.

"Currently, science is dominated by the idea of secular state as a state in which there is no official state religion and no creed is recognized as mandatory or preferable. Accordingly, the secular nature of the state implies that the state and the church are separated from each other and do not interfere in each other’s affairs."

"Secularism can also act as: 1) the basis of the constitutional system; 2) political and legal principle; 3) political and legal characteristics of the state; 4) political and legal institution; 5) political and legal requirements; 6) systems of political and legal relations; 7) political and legal process."

"From a legal point of view secular state- a worldview-neutral state that fundamentally does not accept any worldview (including religious or anti-religious) as an official ideology, providing citizens with the opportunity to freely choose their worldview.

Secularism state implies its indifference in the ideological sphere, i.e., refusal of special control (non-interference, subject to compliance with the law), non-identification (due to the impossibility of creating scientific criteria), refusal of special privileges, separation and equidistance from ideological organizations. From the point of view of the priority of the legal approach, it is legally correct to define the secularity of the state as ideological neutrality, since there is no legal definition of “religion”, and therefore “religious”. Only in this case is secularism one of the most important guarantees of freedom of ideological choice."

The legislation of a secular state may correspond (in whole or in part) to religious norms; “secularism” is determined not by the presence of contradictions with religious attitudes, but by freedom from them. For example, a ban on abortion is a secular decision if it is justified by general humanistic considerations (more precisely, by medical and biological expediency), and not by religious prerequisites.

In a secular state, every person has the right to expect that he will be able to live without turning to religious institutions. For example, marriage and the administration of justice are the prerogative of the state. In a secular state, followers of all religions are equal before the law.

Religion is not completely separated from the state in Israel either.

The principle of secularism presupposes the separation of the state from religious dogmas, but does not mean the removal of religion from public life. It also contributes to the delimitation of the spheres of influence of the state and religious organizations while maintaining the role of the state as the main form of organization of socio-political power.

Sociological science presents a typology of secular and non-secular states for various reasons. Criteria for classifying secular states: 1) the existence of a partnership between the state and religious organizations and 2) the degree of influence of religion on the legal system of the state. These criteria allow us to distinguish 4 types of secular states: preferential, equipotential(the state strives for the maximum possible isolation of religious organizations from state life), contamination, identificational(cooperation between the state and religious organizations).

Different types of secular states that exist in modern world, are a natural result of the development of society. The formation of a certain type of secular state is determined by specific historical, political, cultural and other features of social dynamics.